Chapter 2: Kangzong Reign 2: Period of Auxiliary Governance.

In the Han Empire of the second year of Ping Kang, it is worth exploring who wielded the most power.
First of all, we can rule out Emperor Liu Wenpeng, who should have rightfully held the highest power in the empire. Prior to his reign, there were loyal ministers firmly in control of the government, while there were also a series of unpopular measures taken by Empress Dowager Murong. As for the Emperor himself, even the extent of his inherited wealth from Emperor Taizong has not been fully accounted for.
The situation of a weak ruler and powerful ministers continued after the "Palace Relocation Case" in the spring of the second year of the Pingkang era, and to some extent, magnified this situation. The impression of the emperor's hidden weakness truly entered the minds of the court officials, and the political pattern of "various ministers managing the country" also became a reality.
When it comes to political power, one must look to the political office for prominent figures. Since the Kaibao period, the Shangshu Ling has become the de facto prime minister of the empire. Although there is no explicit explanation of the role of "prime minister" in the "Han Hui Dian," this widely accepted consensus has already taken root in the hearts of the upper echelons of the empire.
Therefore, as the Shangshu Ling, Zhang Qixian was undoubtedly one of the most influential figures in the empire. However, what is even more remarkable or surprising than this veteran of three dynasties is the Zhongshu Ling and Prince Lu, Liu Ai.
From the time of Emperor Sejo, the King of Lu was not a particularly outstanding person. His abilities and achievements were overshadowed by the brilliance of his brothers, who were as impressive as dragons and tigers. Even in terms of reputation, he could not compare to princes like Liu Hui and Liu Shu, who were burdened with troubles and a pile of "messy matters."
Being low-key is his style, and mediocrity is the deepest impression he gives. Even when he was promoted to the position of "imperial prime minister" during the late Kai Bao period, it was purely a stroke of luck. Wu Gong Liu Hui angered Emperor Shizu by removing the imperial capital bureau's discussion, leading to his dismissal from power. Yan Gong Liu Zhao, on the other hand, remained modest and stayed out of the limelight, which caught Emperor Shizu's attention to his eighth son.
To a certain extent, it can be said that Liu Ai, the Duke of Lu, was able to become active in the political arena of the Eastern Han Dynasty from the late Kaibao period, which was almost a kind of coincidence and chance. Power and fame almost fell into his lap.
However, in the past twenty years, it is difficult to find remarkable achievements or contributions from him, even though he was granted the title of king by Emperor Taizong and held the position of the Minister of the Central Secretariat. In the eyes of the officials and ministers, he was still the mediocre "eighth prince". His role in the imperial power center, centered around the Ministry of State Affairs, was solely based on his position, as it was necessary for the system established by Emperor Gaozu to have such a figure in the court.
As for the role positioning, no matter what Liu Aixi, the King of Lu, thinks in his heart, he handles it very appropriately. Moreover, he successfully navigated through the entire Yongxi era, and in the end, Emperor Taizong even included him in the ranks of auxiliary ministers.
From this perspective, can King Lu, Liu Ai, be explained as mere "foolishness" and "mediocrity" on the surface?
And to truly showcase his true character and charm, allowing his royal relatives and esteemed officials to witness a glimpse of Liu Ai's true self, it was precisely during his reign after the "Palace Relocation Incident". Translated:
Through the "Moving Palace" operation, Liu Ai and a group of Yongxi ministers, including Zhang Qixian, have formed a political alliance. This alliance may not be firm and may not last long. However, at least for now, it has successfully suppressed Empress Murong and her relatives and maintained order in the Great Han Empire.
The importance of maintaining social order, national stability, and the well-being of the people needs no further elaboration. This is the positive significance of this political alliance, which also forms the political framework of the entire Great Han Empire in the second year of Pingkang.
In this context, the most prominent figures are King Lu Liu Ai and the Chancellor Zhang Qixian. They even have a clear division of labor, with Zhang Qixian overseeing state affairs, similar to Emperor Taizong's time, responsible for the specific handling and execution of military and national matters. However, they have gained more power in terms of decision-making and setting policies, though it does lead to lower efficiency. This is because the various advisors are unlikely to be in complete agreement, and there will always be internal conflicts pulling them in different directions.
The role of King Lu, Liu Ai, is to work together with his officials to coordinate the internal and external affairs of the court, as well as handle matters concerning various countries, tribes, and kings. The core point is that he is the son of Emperor Shi, appointed by Emperor Tai as a loyal minister. He represents the royal family's participation in national affairs, ensuring the stability of the imperial regime and the security of the state.
In this background, Liu Ai, the King of Lu, gradually gained a certain sense of righteousness and legitimacy. His power and prestige continued to rise, along with the accumulation of troubles and pressures. Translation:
The position of the "regent king" is by no means an easy one, it can be said to be like sitting on a burning stove. One careless move could result in death or even the annihilation of the clan, with no proper resting place.
Regarding King Yu of Lu, Liu Ai, he has the Emperor Liu Wenpeng above him. Although the Emperor is young, he is not an ignorant young ruler. Any rash and extreme actions could bring immense impact and trouble to Liu Ai.
At the same time, there is also a possibility of breaking their collaboration with the esteemed ministers of Emperor Taizong. These veteran ministers, who were previously apprehensive of Prince Zhao, Liu Fang, and cooperated with Empress Dowager Murong to force him to retreat, would similarly not remain indifferent once the authority of King Lu is truly established.
At the same time, both inside and outside the imperial court, there were numerous expressions of dissatisfaction and discontent towards King Lu and the influential advisors, such as Yongxi, who controlled the government and undermined the authority of the emperor.
The current emperor is the legitimate ruler, and the senior advisors are meant to assist and counsel from the sidelines, rather than allowing King Lu and others to usurp imperial power.
If we say that Empress Dowager Murong's crude and hasty actions only left people discontented, then after the "Palace Relocation Incident," the accusations and criticisms against the court officials of Yongxi are openly displayed because, no matter what, it gives the suspicion of "disrespecting the superior authority." Even if there is a reason like "putting an end to palace interference in politics," the legal rationale is ultimately weak.
Empress Murong, ultimately did not reach the point of causing widespread anger. Objectively speaking, the occurrence of the "Change of Palace" not only prevented Empress Murong from further causing disturbances in the heart of the Han Empire, but it also did not bring any additional benefits to the vast empire.
In fact, this incident has weakened the absolute authority of the central government and exposed the young emperor's incompetence in controlling the empire. This is a matter of significant political risk and brings enormous uncertainty to the empire's operation.
Those classes and ranks that do not have enough access or contact can be excluded, but at least the privileged class in the capital area, local high-ranking officials, regional leaders, and even those kings with territorial power, may not have a clear understanding of this matter, but they should have some opinions at least.
Of course, the central authority that has been strong for over half a century in the empire, as well as the stable functioning state system, have prevented these people and others from losing their respect for the court and the central government.
However, there is deep-rooted dissatisfaction with the situation of "a strong emperor and weak officials" and "a powerful minister governing the country."
They may not be particularly loyal or convinced by Emperor Liu Wenpeng, but the reality is that they can accept a young emperor ruling and giving orders, but they have a hard time tolerating someone "acting on behalf of the heavens." Translated content:
As for the power of the emperor, it has a legal explanation and is maintained through ancestral lineage. This power was granted by the emperors of the two previous generations, Emperor Shizu and Emperor Taizong. Being young is not a valid reason for courtiers to arrogantly wield power and carry out state affairs. Relying solely on the "imperial decree left by Emperor Taizong" and the position of a courtier is clearly insufficient to explain all their actions in governing. There are many aspects that can be criticized.
And this discontent, obviously, cannot only stem from loyalty to the Emperor and upholding the legal system; it must inevitably involve some power struggles and conflicts of interest. And once these are involved, contradictions, conflicts, and struggles become unavoidable.
It can be imagined that after the empress dowager's move to the new palace, the internal power struggles within the Han Empire did not cease, but instead intensified. The call for the "return of political power to the emperor" echoed throughout the year, from spring to winter.
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But it is under these circumstances that the auxiliary minister group centered around "Liu Ai-Zhang Qixian" continues to firmly control the ship of the Great Han Empire and steadily move it forward.
This journey, of course, cannot be without ups and downs, even with constant challenges. When faced with a problem, we solve it; when a problem cannot be solved, we address the person who caused it.
Of course, there are two main reasons why they are able to maintain control over the government. Firstly, Emperor Liu Wenpeng is relatively restrained, as he has been greatly pressured and learned lessons from Empress Mu Rong's incident. Despite harboring various discontentment, he can only temporarily endure and wait for the right opportunity.
At the same time, under the pressure of public opinion, the "group of auxiliary ministers" returned some of the power to the emperor. The affairs handled by the Political Affairs Hall had to be submitted to the emperor for approval, and even some matters could be decided by the emperor.
But for some major issues, the emperor still does not have the final say. However, with this compromise in place, there can still be temporary peace. Liu Ai and others ultimately dare not truly and completely "use the emperor's power to command the feudal lords," as that would result in being surrounded by attacks from all sides.
As for the other reason, it lies in the fact that the "group of assistant ministers" did not openly commit treason or usurp power, and they had the endorsement of Emperor Taizong's testament. Moreover, their actual power and the influence they gained through the functioning of the system were enough to firmly suppress any dissent both internally and externally. Although there were opponents, including influential ones, it was difficult to shake the "Liu-Zhang" faction of assistant ministers before they formed a united front.
Similarly, this "model of regency" is destined to be unsustainable. The first issue lies within the regent group itself. Conflicts are inevitable between regents, between the nobles, and between Emperor Liu Ai and his ministers. Some of these conflicts may even be irreconcilable.
The second reason why opponents find it difficult to pose a real threat to Liu Ai and others is that they cannot form a united front. Within the Han Empire, the only person who can truly integrate everyone, challenge and overthrow the dominance of the auxiliary officials in power, is Emperor Liu Wenpeng.
For those who are not clear about this point, they can only engage in pointless attacks and grievances. For those who have a clear understanding, there are also two choices. A small minority takes action, whether through submitting memorials or offering sincere advice, with the hope of awakening the emperor.
However, the majority chose to wait conservatively, which is still the influence brought by the emperor. After all, since ascending to the throne, there has not been a convincing performance from the current emperor. Translated:
However, the situation is still putting immense pressure on auxiliary ministers like Liu Ai. They are unable to cut off the emperor's communication channels with the outside world. On one side, there is the Imperial City Department, and on the other side, the Military Virtue Department. Even though there are some restrictions in place, the exact extent of these measures is unknown to outsiders.
Even if the current emperor is a "weak" ruler, when it comes to crucial moments, the Second Bureau can only stand on the side of the emperor. After all, it is the emperor's henchman, and has never been given a wrong nickname.
The power of auxiliary officials in governance mostly derived from the imperial edicts left by Emperor Taizong, as well as the authority they obtained from the imperial management system that had been in place for sixty years.
However, the fundamental problem lies in the fact that this national social operating system, which was infused with the soul of Emperor Wu, still revolves around imperial power and centers around the emperor, despite the improvements made by Emperor Taizong. Translation: The auxiliary officials' greatest legal basis comes from the edicts left by Emperor Taizong, while their authority primarily stems from the imperial administrative system that has been in place for sixty years. However, the underlying issue is that this system, even after Emperor Taizong's reforms, still remains centered around imperial power and revolves around the emperor.
The one who can maximize the power of this system is likely to be the emperor. When the emperor is weak, the ministers can still seize a portion of power. However, once the imperial authority awakens and rebounds, the first force it exerts might be directed towards these "pillar statesmen" who helped with governance.
Of course, it remains unknown whether the Emperor Liu Wenpeng can awaken and gain control over a portion of his rightful power, how much influence he can wield from the imperial system, how he will use it, and where he will apply it.
But one thing that can be certain is that the political structure led by King Lu Liu Ai and Prime Minister Zhang Qixian in the Great Han Dynasty will not last long, and it is also difficult to sustain for a long time.
The imperial character developed since the reigns of Emperor Shizu and Emperor Taizong is not like this. The empire can have powerful ministers, but they must be ministers under imperial authority. This is not easy to change, at least not possible in the "post Yongxi era".
在世祖登基之初的乾祐早期，倒也勉强出现过类似的局面，只是太过短暂，一干辅臣被世祖迅速收拾得服服帖帖。
如今，或许只是历史的重演，只不过，同一场戏，不同的主角，不同的能力，不同的局势，导致的过程与结果，也难免会出现差异。
In fact, it is contradictory for a young emperor like Han to have "auxiliary ministers ruling the country". Ultimately, it is the fault of the young emperor. However, without the support of the "primogeniture system", the situation in the court might have been different, and it may not have been any more peaceful than it has been since entering the Pingkang era.
Since ancient times, the period of power succession has always been the most troublesome and problematic. The situation in the Great Han Empire is much more complicated than that of other unified empires in the same period. Even though it went through the succession of Emperor Taizong more than ten years ago, it is still not considered mature in this aspect. At least, for a unified empire, the concept of a "young emperor" is a new and untested model that needs to be explored.
Even though "Liu Zhangfuguo" declared an outcome with very limited future early on, it cannot be denied that at least in the second year of Pingkang, Prince Lu Liu Ai formally embarked on a period of assisting in governance and reached the peak of his life. Translation:
After more than fifty years of being an average King, Liu Ai, in less than a year, proved to everyone that he was not mediocre.
In the vast empire, with numerous influential and bureaucratic elites, intricate relationships, and conflicting interests, being able to navigate through a period of stability and mediate the various conflicts, such a person cannot be an incompetent.
Foolish on the outside, but refined in the heart, perhaps this is a more appropriate evaluation of King Lu, Liu Ai.
However, if we take a broader and higher perspective, a longer timeline, and consider the development of history and the rise and fall of dynasties, this "regency period" possesses certain research value and significance. Translation:
At least it proves that the country can still maintain stability and the various functions can run smoothly without the Emperor's intervention in politics.
Of course, this conclusion can only be drawn under specific historical conditions and special historical periods, with many additional constraints, and it places high demands on systems, consciousness, and individuals.